Finance, Markets and Valuation Vol. 7, Num. 1 (January-June 2021), 13–21
Lima, 2011). According to Abramovay (1992), the management, property and most of the work
in family farms come from people who maintain blood or marriage ties with each other.
The challengein familyfarmingis to improvetheir capacityof social interaction andinsertion
in local markets (school meals, social programs) in a context of “quality economy” that may be
in the supply of traditional, artisanal or regional products (Schneider, 2010).
According to (Gazolla & Schneider, 2017), agricultural-food supply chains can be under-
stood by the willingness of the involved parties in building a new form of interaction between
production and consumption, with the goal of rescuing identity and origin of products, based
not only on price criteria, but also on social, cultural, ethical, and environmental values. With
this, the authors define short chains as a central dimension of the economy of proximity and
interactions between space and activity. Among the limits of necessity and subsistence, the
entry into specialized production systems, an interesting combination of various arrangements
is identified, from typical self-consuming activities, exchanges between neighbors, direct sales
and activities that incorporate formal commercialization and distribution circuits, to those
related to agrobusiness, through integration contracts (Cruz, 2018).
The main short chains are identified with direct sales in properties, local markets, farmers’
shops, farmers’ markets, door-to-door sales, direct harvesting by consumers in production
units, e-commerce, sharing food production risks between consumers and producers, collective
consumer groups, and various associations between producers and consumers (Gazolla &
Schneider, 2017).
At first, short chains were understood as a strategy of peasant resistance, against global-
ization and its agricultural-food system (van der Ploeg et al., 2000). Then, a motivated current
of urban consumers emerged, seeking natural, fresh and non-pesticide food –organic food–,
strengthening local markets, valuing farmers, their cultural values and traditional preparation
(Gazolla & Schneider, 2017). Recent studies in Brazil and Europe indicate the increasing com-
mercialization of food from family farms as an alternative to the agricultural-food system (Cruz,
2018; Gazolla & Schneider, 2017).
The marketing channels of family farming products can be classified as direct sales to
the consumer, vertical integration with the processing agribusiness, sales to the distribution
sector and institutional markets (Pierri & Valente, 2010). They also point out that direct sales
can be operations of direct delivery to the final consumer by the producer: home deliveries,
online sales, farmers’ markets, specialized markets, promotional commercial events, stores,
producer’s counter or food stand, and even sales made on the property (Pierri & Valente, 2010).
In this sense, the dynamics and opportunities of the processed food commercialization by
the family farmers themselves are important factors to expand the knowledge on the strategies
of family agriculture reproduction. They also demonstrate a chance to drain their production
excess through short chain sales (Cruz, 2018).
Direct sales between farmers and final consumers are considered the main channel of
agribusiness food distribution because these sales usually occur in the agribusiness itself, on
the streets, workplaces, home delivery, producer markets, among other alternative points of
direct sale (Gazolla & Schneider, 2017).
The commercialization carried out in urban and rural markets, festive events, local ex-
hibitions, among other events of this nature, encourage the relationship of field and urban
production. It is a short chain phenomenon due to the proximity of the relationships between
the subjects and their formal and informal sale channels, in a mixture of situations between
regulatory institutions (Gazolla & Schneider, 2017).
Rosislene de Fátima Fontana and Raphael Miranda Medeiros Cruz 15